Author: Redaktion

  • We are once again being fascisized

    Patrick Eiden-Offe, Was ist Faschisierung? Einige theorie- und begriffshistorische Überlegungen [What is fascization? Some theoretical and conceptual historical considerations], Merkur, 922/80, March 2026.

    The article explores how far we can go in our current political situation with a replacement or shift in terminology recently proposed by French philosopher Pierre Zaoui: “If we cannot talk of fascism as such, we can at least talk of fascization and being fascisized, as we do of racialization and being racialized.”

    The idea is to no longer understand fascism as a system that can be defined on the basis of a catalog of characteristics, but rather to think of it in the progressive form, as an open and always contingent process. Fascization takes place in the bundling (Latin: fasces/fascis) of strategies, through interlocking, complementing, and mutually reinforcing each other, whereby contradictions, opposites, and temporary relaxations are always possible.

    In the analysis of contemporary political phenomena, the concept of fascization primarily addresses subjective and intersubjective processes that take place in the sphere of affects, desires, and language: in the use of “exterminatory signifiers” (Zaoui), the pleasure of violence, excess, and exclusion, not only but especially on social media. The process category helps us to address and analyze these spheres theoretically without having to dismiss individual subjects or groups as fascists in toto. Fascization literally takes place subcutaneously, in bodies and desires—and that is where it can also be resisted.

    With regard to historical analyses, the process concept of fascization allows us to consider large spatial and temporal dimensions. Fascization thus becomes tangible as a global and historical longue durée phenomenon that asserts itself in the history of colonialism and capitalism: With Suzanne and Aimée Césaire, we can conceive of a colonial fascism before and after (European) fascism, whose violent and dehumanizing continuity can be conceptually captured. With Karl Polanyi’s concept of a “fascist virus,” fascization can be traced back to the establishment of the capitalist property order—as a latent threat of violence and destruction that accompanies and ultimately secures this property order. Today, on the one hand, the (post)colonial order of the world is once again being called into question. On the other hand, global capitalism is reconfiguring itself in a way that can be brought into conceptual proximity with processes of “primitive accumulation” (data mining, virtual enclosures, digital extractivism). The concept of fascization can help us to relate our present to the colonial capitalist history of violence. This history continues today—or is interrupted. The question of counterstrategies, the question of anti- or non-fascist de-bundling, remains open in the article.

    https://www.merkur-zeitschrift.de/artikel/was-ist-faschisierung-a-mr-80-3-5

  • Debanking practices in Europe – if it happens to one, it happens to all

    Anne Baillot, Alexandra Keiner, “Trifft es eine, trifft es alle? Herausforderungen und Perspektiven von Debanking-Praktiken in Europa” (“It happens to one, it happens to all? Challenges and perspectives of debanking practices in Europe”), Etosmedia, January 25, 2026.

    In December 2025, several German left-wing organisations had their bank accounts closed, including cases involving GLS Bank and Sparkasse Göttingen. Hundreds of left-wing organisations have expressed solidarity by signing an open letter addressed to GLS Bank. These incidents also led to the formation of the “Debanking Stoppen” network. The initiative aims to reverse the closures and is pushing for safeguards to prevent banks from easily resorting to such measures in the future.

    Anne Baillot and Alexandra Keiner place these cases within the broader history of international debanking practices since 9/11, highlighting how European banks are shaped by political decisions—currently those of the United States, but potentially also those of authoritarian European governments. The drivers behind these developments are not only increasingly stringent international compliance rules aimed at combating money laundering and terrorist financing, but also the structure of the global financial system itself, which is concentrated in the hands of a limited number of actors, such as SWIFT and correspondent banks. To avoid exclusion from these essential infrastructures, banks are increasingly adopting so-called ‘de-risking’ strategies, proactively minimizing risk by excluding certain sectors or terminating accounts when suspicions arise.

    The article further shows that debanking frequently affects marginalized groups with limited public visibility, including refugees, migrants, sex workers, and politically stigmatized initiatives. These cases offer a particularly clear view of the political power exercised by banks. They serve as testing grounds that reveal how exclusion from financial infrastructure operates in practice—and what others may face in the future.

    The authors ultimately call for a broader understanding of solidarity, one that extends beyond concern for one’s own bank account and takes seriously the situation of marginalized communities. In this perspective, the debate over Europe’s financial sovereignty also presents an opportunity to place solidarity more firmly at the center of political and public discussion.

    https://etosmedia.de/politik/trifft-es-eine-trifft-es-alle-herausforderungen-und-perspektiven-von-debanking-praktiken-in-europa/

  • BDS: A call to boycott institutions, not individuals

    Protest against Israel. Dörthe Engelcke (MPI) on the Academic Boycott Conference, January 24, 2026, https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/academic-boycott-konferenz-in-berlin-interview-doerthe-engelcke-rechtswiss-100.html.

    The conference on the background and strategies of the academic boycott, organized primarily by students and held in Berlin from January 23 to 25, at least took place without disruption—at a location that was only revealed to participants at short notice. Dörthe Engelcke explains on Deutschlandfunk radio from a legal perspective that the demands of the BDS, as a peaceful response to illegal occupation and gravest war crimes, are in accordance with international law and are now also supported in part by EU governments. Even in Israel itself, opponents of the illegal occupation and expulsions usually see no alternative to institutional boycotts, because only international pressure will bring about change. Universities in Israel have particularly close ties to the arms industry and the military. The growing support for the BDS movement in Germany can also be seen as a reaction to German policy on the Middle East, in particular the failure since October 7 to clearly identify and politically address serious violations of international law by the Israeli army. This has shaken many people’s confidence that the German state and government respect international law and still want to contribute to a solution to the conflict, which is why more and more individuals and organizations are asking themselves what options for action they still have.

    https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/academic-boycott-konferenz-in-berlin-interview-doerthe-engelcke-rechtswiss-100.html

  • Countering intimidation

    Benjamin Schütze, “Deutsche Israelpolitik: Die Truppen der Staatsräson” [German policy on Israel. The troops of raison d’état], guest commentary, taz January 20, 2026, https://taz.de/Deutsche-Israelpolitik/!6146623/.

    Benjamin Schütze experienced an attempt at censorship by the antisemitism commissioner at the University of Erlangen. The commissioner had informed the Bavarian chief public prosecutor that Schütze had used the term “genocide” in a lecture at the 35th German Orientalists’ Day. The title of his lecture was “Supporting (plausible) acts of genocide: Red lines and the failure of German Middle Eastern Studies,” and the anti-Semitism commissioner demanded that it be “adjusted.”

    Although this attempt at censorship was successfully repelled, it did not fail to have an intimidating effect. Schütze therefore takes this experience as the starting point for his article on the increasingly authoritarian anti-antisemitism in Germany and the “troops of raison d’état” who established it and continue to expand it. This anti-antisemitism, he argues, does not serve to combat antisemitism at all, but rather aims to institutionalize German support for genocide in Gaza, normalize anti-Arab racism, and defame researchers who show solidarity with Palestine. Respect for international law and freedom of science and assembly has become collateral damage of raison d’état. While the government is thus opposing the Basic Law and international law, society must now ask itself whether it wants to continue to support or submit to this decision, or whether it will fight back.

    https://taz.de/Deutsche-Israelpolitik/!6146623/

  • Eight measures that universities and academics can take

    Ilyas Saliba: “Academic freedom under pressure Erosion of a pillar of open society”, Wissenschaft & Frieden [Science & Peace], 4/2025, pp. 43-45.

    Academic freedom is considered a cornerstone of democratic states, yet it is coming under pressure worldwide. Authoritarian regimes are massively targeting universities, but political interferences, economic constraints, and repression are also on the rise in consolidated democracies such as Germany. This article analyzes global trends and shows how attacks on university autonomy and academic spaces in this country are jeopardizing the foundations of free science and critical debate. What dynamics are driving this development—and how can science and institutions respond? The article proposes eight concrete measures that all universities and academics should take to heart.

    https://gppi.net/2025/12/02/wissenschaftsfreiheit-unter-druck

  • Academic freedom – for whom, for what, and to what end?

    Köppert, Katrin: “Für eine radikale Imagination von Wissenschaft” [For a radical imagination of scholarship], Zeitschrift für Medienwissenschaft, 17 (2025), Nr. 2, pp. 140-144, http://dx.doi.org/10.25969/mediarep/24183.

    Peters, Kathrin: “Kritik der Wissenschaftsfreiheit” [Critique of academic freedom], Zeitschrift für Medienwissenschaft, 17 (2025), Nr. 2, pp. 135-139, http://dx.doi.org/10.25969/mediarep/24182.

    What does it mean when there is so much talk about academic freedom at the moment? Who uses the term and for what purposes? To whom does this freedom apply? Who is not being considered, what is not being thought about? In the Zeitschrift für Medienwissenschaft (Journal of Media Studies), Katrin Köppert and Kathrin Peters have published contributions to the debate that take the reactions of universities to the genocidal war in Gaza as a starting point for problematizing the discourse on academic freedom.

    Katrin Köppert argues that responding to the curtailment of academic spaces by defending academic freedom is futile. Against the backdrop of Black Radical Thought, the call for freedom must first acknowledge the problem of a real existing lack of freedom. Rinaldo Walcott has described Black emancipation as something that has not yet happened. Following Walcott’s thinking, the plea for academic freedom should be replaced by the demand for a radical imagination of scholarship.

    https://mediarep.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/ddba5814-7f36-486e-b0cb-7745e6a735ca/content

    Kathrin Peters also takes issue with focusing solely on academic freedom. She sees the relationship between scholarship and politics as intertwined since the dawn of science. The call for academic neutrality is therefore political in itself, as it ignores the fact that even the perception of a problem as a problem can never be neutral. Against this backdrop, the debate on academic freedom that has erupted in response to protests in solidarity with Palestine at universities is proving to be a deflection. As justified as doubts about whether academic freedom has always been protected by the state may be in individual cases, these debates also serve to divert analytical attention away from pressing questions—questions about where racism and anti-Semitism begin and end, or about the so-called German culture of remembrance. Above all, however, the debates obscure the situation in Gaza, which is what the protesters want to draw attention to in the first place.

    https://mediarep.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/f29c8fb2-cd66-40d5-8301-efa6d8336fa5/content

  • Media analysis: Hierarchies of death

    Jannis Grimm, Justus Könneker, Mariam Salehi: “Hierarchies in death: coverage of Palestinian and Israeli victims in the context of October 7 and the war on Gaza”, Peacebuilding, Oktober 4, 2025, 1-16.

    It is not really surprising, but nevertheless very important that it has been worked out with an open question and methodologically sound: Jannis Grimm, Justus Könneker, and Mariam Salehi can show that German media coverage of Palestinian and Israeli fatalities after October 7, 2023, was highly asymmetrical. The article, published in the interdisciplinary journal Peacebuilding, is based on a systematic, comparative frame analysis of reporting in five major German daily newspapers in the first six weeks after the Hamas massacre and the start of Israel’s genocidal campaign against Gaza. Methodologically, it is based on similar studies of reporting in the English-language press; such an analysis had hitherto been lacking for the German media landscape.

    Based on the work of Judith Butler (in particular her 2009 book Frames of War: When is Life Grievable?), they show that and how German media coverage contributes to the unequal mournability of life. While Israeli deaths were portrayed with dignity and empathy and could be publicly mourned, Palestinian deaths were and continue to be dehumanized in the reporting, and their violent deaths are framed as inevitable or even justified.

    https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/21647259.2025.2569080#d1e668

  • “Never again” must apply universally

    Schwarz, Alexander: “Scheitern in Gaza” [Failure in Gaza], südlink 213, 6-7.

    “Anyone who says ‘never again’ must mean ‘for everyone’ […],” writes Alexander Schwarz in his article. However, according to Schwarz, the German government insists on a raison d’état (Staatsräson) that is limited to unconditional solidarity with Israel. He points to the loss of credibility in view of the double standards that can be observed in the (lack of) application of international law, for example with regard to Ukraine – and the consequences for a rule-based world order and the principle of equality before the law: “Anyone who deliberately breaks with these principles places themselves outside the community of values to which they belong.” Domestically, too, the damage to the democratic framework is evident in the state repression of pro-Palestinian protests and the accompanying violation of rights guaranteed by the constitution.

    For Schwarz, “Staatsräson” must be framed by legal principles and doctrine, provided that one considers it a legitimate doctrine at all (cf. e.g. Andreas Engelmann, Über die erstaunliche Rückkehr der Staatsräson im Gewand der Moral y, Etos, August 22, 2024, for whom “[t]he concept of raison d’état […] only makes sense if it stands for interests that legitimize disregard for law and order. Otherwise, the state could simply abide by law and order.”): “It is not a question of ‘Staaträson’ or international law’, but of a ‘Staatsräson’ in conformity with international law.” Meanwhile Germany’s silence on crimes under international law and its supply of weapons to Israel damage the fundamental principles of the international legal order.

    In his article in the magazine südlink, Schwarz emphasizes the urgency of universal application of the law – “Now is the time to defend the principles of Nuremberg.”

    In this context, the repeated refusal of German courts to provide legal protection against German arms deliveries, with fatal consequences for the Palestinian civilian population, should also be pointed out; as well as the expert paper presented by Schwarz, among others, at the Federal Press Conference on October 2, 2025 “Beyond ‘Staatsräson’: How to reconcile historical responsibility, strategic interests, and international law. Expert paper for a change in Middle East policy.”

    https://www.ecchr.eu/publikation/scheitern-in-gaza

  • Political conditions for the possibility of science

    Hanna Pfeifer: Die Verantwortung der Wissenschaft [The responsibility of science], Der Wiarda-Blog, October 4, 2025.

    Hanna Pfeifer’s guest contribution on the question of how political science is and should be is a response to the FAZ article “Role reversal of activists and anti-academics” by Austrian sociologist Alexander Bogner and Swiss historian Caspar Hirschi, who advocate for a strict separation of roles between science and political activism. Their intervention was prompted by the International Sociological Association’s decision to suspend the institutional membership of the Israeli Sociological Association for failing to distance itself from the Israeli military’s crimes against Palestinians in Gaza. Pfeifer counters the authors’ demand for a separation of roles between science and activism by arguing that “science must ensure the preservation of its own creative conditions” and must therefore advocate “for democratic institutions, the preservation of fundamental rights and freedoms, and the protection of equal human dignity.” She adds that, in any case, science cannot be expected to “stand idly by and watch its own existence being undermined.”

    https://www.jmwiarda.de/index.php/blog/2025/10/04/die-verantwortung-der-wissenschaft

  • Ruling by the German Federal Constitutional Court with Implications for Arms Deliveries to Israel

    González Hauck, Sué; Theilen, Jens T.: “Vertrauen und Vertretbarkeit: Das Ramstein-Urteil und seine Folgen für Waffenlieferungen an Israel” [Trust and accountability: The Ramstein ruling and its implications for arms deliveries to Israel], Verfassungsblog, 7/21/2025, https://verfassungsblog.de/ramstein-voelkerrecht-verantwortung/.

    In their analysis on the “Verfassungsblog”, Sué González Hauck and Jens Theilen begin by identifying the judgment’s problems. The Federal Constitutional Court does make it clear that Germany may have a duty, based in fundamental rights und the German constitution, to protect persons in third countries in the event of attacks by allied states. One of the prerequisites for this is a systematic violation of international law by the attacker. However, the Federal Constitutional Court uses an overly flexible standard to assess whether such a violation exists: any alternative readings of international law must be untenable within the bounds of legal reasoning. On this basis, it concludes that Germany has no duty to protect people in Yemen from the US drone attacks and that supporting the US attacks from German soil is lawful.

    The flexibility inherent in this approach to international law has consequences: The Federal Constitutional Court’s handling of the tenability test means that it adopts those discursive frames that are hegemonic in Germany and in countries allied with Germany almost unquestioningly. Judith Butler’s analysis of “frames of war” has already shown that human lives are assigned different values and that some human lives do not count. The judgment of the Federal Constitutional Court adopts these “frames of war” of the current hegemonic discourse by implicitly constructing people in Yemen as the legitimate target of violence.

    Butler’s analysis and other works on anti-Palestinian racism show that, within such frames, Palestinian life in particular does not count. The decisive factor for court proceedings concerning the supply of weapons to Israel will therefore be the extent to which the courts can free themselves from these frames. Despite the sobering outcome of the case concerning US drone attacks in Yemen, González Hauck and Theilen also see reference points in the judgment for those court proceedings challenging German support for Israel’s actions in Gaza. The idea of a constitutional duty to protect persons abroad in the event of attacks by other states at least offers a legal foothold to oppose German arms deliveries to Israel – because Israel’s systematic violations of international law, well documented by international courts and organisations, go beyond even the permissive limits of “tenability” as developed by the Federal Constitutional Court.

    These questions remain relevant – despite the recent announcement that Germany will no longer issue export permits for military equipments that may be used in Gaza. This decision comes much too late, does not cover exports under already issued permits and in any case only concerns part of the arms deliveries to Israel. The court proceedings against the supply of weapons to Israel will continue.

    DOI: 10.59704/eca51e26067a2044