Category: Drop

  • Surplus Fascism

    Daniel Loick, Vanessa E. Thompson (2026). Surplus fascism: Reflections on current tendencies of abandonment in Germany and beyond. New German Critique, 53(1), 203–223. 

    In this essay, Daniel Loick and Vanessa E. Thompson develop the thesis that current authoritarian and fascist developments worldwide should not be understood as political exceptions or mere reactions to short-term crises. Rather, they were structural responses to profound changes in modern capitalist societies and emerged from them, particularly the increasing production of so-called “surplus” population groups. For the grave structural inequalities of the global political economy can no longer be simply contained through consensual mechanisms. Here, fascism does not appear as a contrast to the existing system, but as an intensification of its internal logics and a deepening of existing power relations.

    The starting point of the analysis is the observation that right-wing and authoritarian movements construct very similar enemy images internationally. Migrants, refugees, poor or unemployed people, feminists and queer individuals, as well as political opponents, are portrayed as a threat to a supposedly natural social order. These commonalities suggest that such political developments cannot be explained primarily in national terms, but rather stem from global social and economic dynamics. Crucial to this is the notion that certain groups are “too many” or socially superfluous.

    For a theoretical explanation, we draw on Karl Marx’s concept of “relative overpopulation.” Accordingly, capitalist modes of production necessarily generate people whose labor is no longer needed. Technological development, economic competition, and structural inequalities lead to growing segments of the population being permanently excluded from social participation. These people are not only economically marginalized but are increasingly constructed and perceived as a social burden or threat. The promise of fascist politics lies in eliminating these superfluous groups through deportation, criminalization, organized neglect, or even physical extermination.

    Currently, several crisis processes are intersecting: a crisis of capitalist overaccumulation, a crisis of nation-state integration, the transformation of traditional gender orders, and the ongoing ecological crisis. Fascism emerges as an affective and political reaction to a situation in which more and more people see themselves threatened by the danger of becoming superfluous themselves. Drawing on Marxist and critical theory, psychoanalytic approaches, and radical Black and anti-colonial critiques, we argue that authoritarian subjects repress their own fears of real or symbolic loss of status by marking other groups as “abject” or reprehensible. The punishment of these groups generates a sense of moral superiority and control. Violence and exclusion thus function not only as political strategies but also as emotionally gratifying practices that stabilize a threatened self-image.

    Politically, this dynamic is particularly evident in the expansion of state punitive and control mechanisms. Tighter migration policies, intensified policing, the criminalization of protest movements, or the increasing control of public spaces are forms of a carceral politics aimed at managing, isolating, or displacing surplus populations. Examples in the German context include the repression of the Palestine solidarity movement and the intensifying racist expulsion of refugees and migrants.

    If we understand fascism not as the opposite but an extreme form of the liberal-capitalist status quo—one that, through state and economic practices, repeatedly prepares people for their disposability—then it cannot be combated by merely defending existing political institutions. Since the production of “surplus” is inherent in the capitalist system itself, anti-fascist politics cannot rely solely on integration or reform. Instead, we propose an abolitionist perspective that abolishes the capitalist social system, fundamentally rebuilds social institutions, and is guided by the experiences and struggles of marginalized groups. Such a politics aims to create social conditions in which no one is superfluous anymore.

    https://doi.org/10.1215/0094033X-12158867

  • Zionism always plays the game of the Right

    Tomer Dotan-Dreyfus: Zionism Cannot Be Left-Wing [Zionismus kann nicht links sein], Jacobin, May 13, 2016, https://www.jacobin.de/artikel/zionismus-linkspartei-antisemitismus-antizionismus.

    The article argues that it is not enough to point to anti-Zionist Jews to counter the equation of anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism. The internal debate within the Left Party in recent months demonstrates that it is necessary to theoretically demonstrate that Zionism is simply incompatible with left-wing values. This is not particularly difficult: the assumption that a people’s self-determination can only be achieved through the nation-state is, of course, not a left-wing one. Nor is it surprising, however, that this is tearing the Left apart—the party that is forced both to adopt an anti-nation-state position and to participate in the parliament of a nation-state in order to have a say in decision-making. The debate on Zionism within the Left is a debate about the character of this party, one that extends far beyond Israel and Palestine.

    https://www.jacobin.de/artikel/zionismus-linkspartei-antisemitismus-antizionismus.

  • We are once again being fascisized

    Patrick Eiden-Offe, Was ist Faschisierung? Einige theorie- und begriffshistorische Überlegungen [What is fascization? Some theoretical and conceptual historical considerations], Merkur, 922/80, March 2026.

    The article explores how far we can go in our current political situation with a replacement or shift in terminology recently proposed by French philosopher Pierre Zaoui: “If we cannot talk of fascism as such, we can at least talk of fascization and being fascisized, as we do of racialization and being racialized.”

    The idea is to no longer understand fascism as a system that can be defined on the basis of a catalog of characteristics, but rather to think of it in the progressive form, as an open and always contingent process. Fascization takes place in the bundling (Latin: fasces/fascis) of strategies, through interlocking, complementing, and mutually reinforcing each other, whereby contradictions, opposites, and temporary relaxations are always possible.

    In the analysis of contemporary political phenomena, the concept of fascization primarily addresses subjective and intersubjective processes that take place in the sphere of affects, desires, and language: in the use of “exterminatory signifiers” (Zaoui), the pleasure of violence, excess, and exclusion, not only but especially on social media. The process category helps us to address and analyze these spheres theoretically without having to dismiss individual subjects or groups as fascists in toto. Fascization literally takes place subcutaneously, in bodies and desires—and that is where it can also be resisted.

    With regard to historical analyses, the process concept of fascization allows us to consider large spatial and temporal dimensions. Fascization thus becomes tangible as a global and historical longue durée phenomenon that asserts itself in the history of colonialism and capitalism: With Suzanne and Aimée Césaire, we can conceive of a colonial fascism before and after (European) fascism, whose violent and dehumanizing continuity can be conceptually captured. With Karl Polanyi’s concept of a “fascist virus,” fascization can be traced back to the establishment of the capitalist property order—as a latent threat of violence and destruction that accompanies and ultimately secures this property order. Today, on the one hand, the (post)colonial order of the world is once again being called into question. On the other hand, global capitalism is reconfiguring itself in a way that can be brought into conceptual proximity with processes of “primitive accumulation” (data mining, virtual enclosures, digital extractivism). The concept of fascization can help us to relate our present to the colonial capitalist history of violence. This history continues today—or is interrupted. The question of counterstrategies, the question of anti- or non-fascist de-bundling, remains open in the article.

    https://www.merkur-zeitschrift.de/artikel/was-ist-faschisierung-a-mr-80-3-5

  • Debanking practices in Europe – if it happens to one, it happens to all

    Anne Baillot, Alexandra Keiner, “Trifft es eine, trifft es alle? Herausforderungen und Perspektiven von Debanking-Praktiken in Europa” (“It happens to one, it happens to all? Challenges and perspectives of debanking practices in Europe”), Etosmedia, January 25, 2026.

    In December 2025, several German left-wing organisations had their bank accounts closed, including cases involving GLS Bank and Sparkasse Göttingen. Hundreds of left-wing organisations have expressed solidarity by signing an open letter addressed to GLS Bank. These incidents also led to the formation of the “Debanking Stoppen” network. The initiative aims to reverse the closures and is pushing for safeguards to prevent banks from easily resorting to such measures in the future.

    Anne Baillot and Alexandra Keiner place these cases within the broader history of international debanking practices since 9/11, highlighting how European banks are shaped by political decisions—currently those of the United States, but potentially also those of authoritarian European governments. The drivers behind these developments are not only increasingly stringent international compliance rules aimed at combating money laundering and terrorist financing, but also the structure of the global financial system itself, which is concentrated in the hands of a limited number of actors, such as SWIFT and correspondent banks. To avoid exclusion from these essential infrastructures, banks are increasingly adopting so-called ‘de-risking’ strategies, proactively minimizing risk by excluding certain sectors or terminating accounts when suspicions arise.

    The article further shows that debanking frequently affects marginalized groups with limited public visibility, including refugees, migrants, sex workers, and politically stigmatized initiatives. These cases offer a particularly clear view of the political power exercised by banks. They serve as testing grounds that reveal how exclusion from financial infrastructure operates in practice—and what others may face in the future.

    The authors ultimately call for a broader understanding of solidarity, one that extends beyond concern for one’s own bank account and takes seriously the situation of marginalized communities. In this perspective, the debate over Europe’s financial sovereignty also presents an opportunity to place solidarity more firmly at the center of political and public discussion.

    https://etosmedia.de/politik/trifft-es-eine-trifft-es-alle-herausforderungen-und-perspektiven-von-debanking-praktiken-in-europa/

  • BDS: A call to boycott institutions, not individuals

    Protest against Israel. Dörthe Engelcke (MPI) on the Academic Boycott Conference, January 24, 2026, https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/academic-boycott-konferenz-in-berlin-interview-doerthe-engelcke-rechtswiss-100.html.

    The conference on the background and strategies of the academic boycott, organized primarily by students and held in Berlin from January 23 to 25, at least took place without disruption—at a location that was only revealed to participants at short notice. Dörthe Engelcke explains on Deutschlandfunk radio from a legal perspective that the demands of the BDS, as a peaceful response to illegal occupation and gravest war crimes, are in accordance with international law and are now also supported in part by EU governments. Even in Israel itself, opponents of the illegal occupation and expulsions usually see no alternative to institutional boycotts, because only international pressure will bring about change. Universities in Israel have particularly close ties to the arms industry and the military. The growing support for the BDS movement in Germany can also be seen as a reaction to German policy on the Middle East, in particular the failure since October 7 to clearly identify and politically address serious violations of international law by the Israeli army. This has shaken many people’s confidence that the German state and government respect international law and still want to contribute to a solution to the conflict, which is why more and more individuals and organizations are asking themselves what options for action they still have.

    https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/academic-boycott-konferenz-in-berlin-interview-doerthe-engelcke-rechtswiss-100.html

  • Countering intimidation

    Benjamin Schütze, “Deutsche Israelpolitik: Die Truppen der Staatsräson” [German policy on Israel. The troops of raison d’état], guest commentary, taz January 20, 2026, https://taz.de/Deutsche-Israelpolitik/!6146623/.

    Benjamin Schütze experienced an attempt at censorship by the antisemitism commissioner at the University of Erlangen. The commissioner had informed the Bavarian chief public prosecutor that Schütze had used the term “genocide” in a lecture at the 35th German Orientalists’ Day. The title of his lecture was “Supporting (plausible) acts of genocide: Red lines and the failure of German Middle Eastern Studies,” and the anti-Semitism commissioner demanded that it be “adjusted.”

    Although this attempt at censorship was successfully repelled, it did not fail to have an intimidating effect. Schütze therefore takes this experience as the starting point for his article on the increasingly authoritarian anti-antisemitism in Germany and the “troops of raison d’état” who established it and continue to expand it. This anti-antisemitism, he argues, does not serve to combat antisemitism at all, but rather aims to institutionalize German support for genocide in Gaza, normalize anti-Arab racism, and defame researchers who show solidarity with Palestine. Respect for international law and freedom of science and assembly has become collateral damage of raison d’état. While the government is thus opposing the Basic Law and international law, society must now ask itself whether it wants to continue to support or submit to this decision, or whether it will fight back.

    https://taz.de/Deutsche-Israelpolitik/!6146623/

  • The imperial Federal Republic of Germany

    Kai Koddenbrock and Carolin Fiete Norina Voß, “Walking a fine line: Germany and the question of imperialism”, New Political Economy, November 2025, pp. 1–20, https://doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2025.2581605.

    Imperialism is all around us again. Russia in Ukraine and the United States in Venezuela have shown everyone that we need to rethink global politics as a violent and expansionist affair. Western support for the genocide in Gaza has shaken the ability to look away. Liberal heads of state like Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney now even acknowledge that the elites and ruling classes in the West have actively peddled the lie that we have ever lived in a liberal world order.

    In light of this new-found honesty and confronted with the steadfast loyalty to the genocidal and fascist Israeli government, how can we theoretically and empirically understand a militarizing Germany without falling into the trap of viewing violence, war, and the exploitation of the South as something that is merely committed elsewhere?

    This is the guiding question Carolin Fiete Norina Voß and I have been working on for more than two years. The article is open access and invites readers to take a historical and self-critical look at our era of violence and the shifting relations of capitalist accumulation.

    We argue that theories of imperialism can help us to make sense of Germany. These theories were actively forgotten in large parts of the academic world of the Global North, while scholars in the Global South never stopped theorizing and experiencing the actually existing imperialism. We suggest a conceptual focus on war and military violence, domestic state-capital relations, and the extraction of value from the Global South. Empirically, we investigate recent shifts in German security and economic policy, Germany’s corporate giants Volkswagen and BASF, as well as the quest for critical minerals from the Global South.

    Our paper concludes that imperialism as an analytical term allows to tackle the geopolitics and geoeconomics of the present in a more holistic way and is generative and productive in dealing with a world engulfed in war and crisis.

    https://doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2025.2581605

  • Critical international law, in solidarity

    Richard Joyce and Sundhya Pahuja, “International law, populism and Palestine: An interview with Nahed Samour”, London Review of International Law 13 (2025), pp. 267-284.

    Richard Joyce and Sundhya Pahuja, scholars of international law at the University of Melbourne, interviewed international law scholar Nahed Samour for the London Review of International Law on 15 May 2024. The interview is a master class on how to reconcile the critique of law with a realist and positivist engagement in order to prevent genocide and to pursue justice. It is a lesson in how to bridge the national, the international and the transnational; in connecting scholasticide with the authoritarian instrumentalization of emancipatory concepts such as campus safety; on the responsibility of university teachers and the power of student movements.

    A short summary can hardly do justice to the richness of the interview, which, albeit academic, is also a deeply personal and caring conversation between three relentless scholars about the status of the world and international law’s role and responsibility within it. It is an inspiration to learn what, in their view, the discipline of international law still has to offer, especially when it is informed “from below” and exercised in solidarity, in the struggle for self-determination and the right of all people not to live under the rubble of (post)colonialism, apartheid, political oppression and economic exploitation.

    Care is at the heart of this interview: care for people regardless where and who they are, care for your discipline, for our (academic) freedom to protest, work and think freely and together with each other beyond any type of borders; care about this unjust world, which compels us to be critical.

    Nahed Samour reminds readers and especially her colleagues in international law that the way we ask and frame questions about a situation and its evaluation under international law always has consequences in the material world.  These consequences are not so much felt by those doing international law but by those who are directly affected and who mostly stand on the margins of what the German and/or Western discourse considers to be the right legal perspective from which the world and its conflicts should be examined. The law itself, while coming in a language of the universal and building on the myth of the civilized liberal nation state, reinforces, under the disguise of the legal and objective, a truly unjust and violent world (dis)order for the many.

    And yet, today “referencing a legal system that is inherently bourgeois, liberal, and conventional [is being] regarded as a radical act.” Nahed Samour observes how legal terms such as genocide and apartheid are being “discredited as ideological terms, or Kampfbegriffe.” She identifies techniques of omission, e.g. by international lawyers who talk about violations of international humanitarian law by Israel but not about genocide, despite genocide cases against Israel pending before the ICJ. Other tools are the conflation  of anti-Zionism and antisemitism that allows for the instrumentalization of the latter, and the shameless devaluations of life that are responsible for persistent impunity, because the destruction of some lives does not matter as much as the destruction of others.

    The interview is an appeal to international lawyers not to sit back and not to be complacent, but to recognize the duty to prevent genocide as also directed at themselves; to question their own complicity and that of their institutions; to do justice to their responsibility as teachers and educators.

    https://doi.org/10.1093/lril/lraf014

  • Eight measures that universities and academics can take

    Ilyas Saliba: “Academic freedom under pressure Erosion of a pillar of open society”, Wissenschaft & Frieden [Science & Peace], 4/2025, pp. 43-45.

    Academic freedom is considered a cornerstone of democratic states, yet it is coming under pressure worldwide. Authoritarian regimes are massively targeting universities, but political interferences, economic constraints, and repression are also on the rise in consolidated democracies such as Germany. This article analyzes global trends and shows how attacks on university autonomy and academic spaces in this country are jeopardizing the foundations of free science and critical debate. What dynamics are driving this development—and how can science and institutions respond? The article proposes eight concrete measures that all universities and academics should take to heart.

    https://gppi.net/2025/12/02/wissenschaftsfreiheit-unter-druck

  • Academic freedom – for whom, for what, and to what end?

    Köppert, Katrin: “Für eine radikale Imagination von Wissenschaft” [For a radical imagination of scholarship], Zeitschrift für Medienwissenschaft, 17 (2025), Nr. 2, pp. 140-144, http://dx.doi.org/10.25969/mediarep/24183.

    Peters, Kathrin: “Kritik der Wissenschaftsfreiheit” [Critique of academic freedom], Zeitschrift für Medienwissenschaft, 17 (2025), Nr. 2, pp. 135-139, http://dx.doi.org/10.25969/mediarep/24182.

    What does it mean when there is so much talk about academic freedom at the moment? Who uses the term and for what purposes? To whom does this freedom apply? Who is not being considered, what is not being thought about? In the Zeitschrift für Medienwissenschaft (Journal of Media Studies), Katrin Köppert and Kathrin Peters have published contributions to the debate that take the reactions of universities to the genocidal war in Gaza as a starting point for problematizing the discourse on academic freedom.

    Katrin Köppert argues that responding to the curtailment of academic spaces by defending academic freedom is futile. Against the backdrop of Black Radical Thought, the call for freedom must first acknowledge the problem of a real existing lack of freedom. Rinaldo Walcott has described Black emancipation as something that has not yet happened. Following Walcott’s thinking, the plea for academic freedom should be replaced by the demand for a radical imagination of scholarship.

    https://mediarep.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/ddba5814-7f36-486e-b0cb-7745e6a735ca/content

    Kathrin Peters also takes issue with focusing solely on academic freedom. She sees the relationship between scholarship and politics as intertwined since the dawn of science. The call for academic neutrality is therefore political in itself, as it ignores the fact that even the perception of a problem as a problem can never be neutral. Against this backdrop, the debate on academic freedom that has erupted in response to protests in solidarity with Palestine at universities is proving to be a deflection. As justified as doubts about whether academic freedom has always been protected by the state may be in individual cases, these debates also serve to divert analytical attention away from pressing questions—questions about where racism and anti-Semitism begin and end, or about the so-called German culture of remembrance. Above all, however, the debates obscure the situation in Gaza, which is what the protesters want to draw attention to in the first place.

    https://mediarep.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/f29c8fb2-cd66-40d5-8301-efa6d8336fa5/content