Author: Christian Strippel

  • Counterinsurgency by Proxy

    Alice von Bieberstein (2026). Counterinsurgency by proxy: on the criminalisation of the Kurdish freedom movement in Germany. Citizenship Studies.

    In her article, Alice von Bieberstein examines how citizenship in Germany is being transformed by the counterterror state. It does so by looking at the decades-long criminalisation of the Kurdish freedom movement in Germany. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork — attendance at trials, interviews with defence lawyers and Kurdish activists, and analysis of intelligence reports and court rulings — it traces how anti-terrorism legislation, association law, and migration and citizenship law converge to repress Kurdish social and political life as such. As prosecutors are seeking to expand the scope of §129 (formation of a criminal/terrorist organisation) to prosecute transnational anti-fascist mobilisation, climate activism and Palestine solidarity direct action, it is urgent to examine this broader field of criminalisation, analyse its logic and effects and trace its longer genealogies. 

    Each year the German state sentences five to seven Kurds in so-called “Staatsschutz” trials that, once a case reaches court, always end in conviction. Yet, the defendants, many of which were granted asylum in Germany on grounds of political persecution that later become a source for their renewed legal prosecution, are never accused of having committed any criminal act as such. Their ‘membership in a foreign terrorist organisation’ (§129b of the German criminal code) is proven through a logic of association and relationality that rests on evidence for activities that are themselves perfectly legal: registering demonstrations, collecting donations or supporting election campaigns. The conceptual hinge that makes this possible is “Zusammenhalt” (cohesion/solidarity), invoked by prosecutors and intelligence officials to fold ordinary Kurdish sociality into the prosecution of “terrorists” and their “sympathisers.”

    But criminalisation extends beyond the criminal code and ‘terrorism’ trials. Kurdish immigrants are regularly refused asylum, residence or citizenship or they see their application for family reunion rejected for attending (legal) demonstrations or frequenting (legal) associations. The article thus shows how asylum, residence and citizenship law are weaponised against immigrants who have committed no identifiable offence, who have made use of their freedom of expression and association. Those targeted learn only retrospectively that they had been subject to performative demands that are neither codified nor publicly communicated. 

    The article argues that this repression is best understood as a form of cross-border counterinsurgency warfare by proxy. Just as counterinsurgency in Turkey envelops the Kurdish population in its entirety, the German state targets Kurdish sociality as such — extending Turkey’s anti-Kurdish politics into German legal and administrative space in the name of geopolitical friendship. Critically, citizenship thereby emerges not only as a site for policing the borders of national belonging, but as a vehicle for operationalising geopolitical alliances.

    ↗ https://doi.org/10.1080/13621025.2026.2702591

  • The rise and continuity of the anti-migrant left

    Vinit Ravishankar: The Rise and Rise of the Anti-Migrant Left: Reject Parochialism, Embrace Migration, The Left Berlin, January 13, 2025.

    Amid all the protests against Friedrich Merz and his CDU tearing down the firewall to the AfD in the course of the joint vote for the five-point plan to tighten migration policy, the fact that the Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance was also involved has been somewhat overlooked. The party was first founded in September 2023, splitting off from the The Left in order to offer voters what was then described as a socially left-wing and culturally conservative platform. Just over a year later, the alliance has moved so far to the right on migration issues that even a joint policy with the AfD no longer seems to deter anyone there. In The Left Berlin, Vinit Ravishankar places these and similar developments in Europe and the US in a broader historical context: from the “jingo-socialism” of the US labor movement in the early 20th century to the exclusion of so-called “guest workers” from trade unions and works councils in postwar Germany. Even if, as Ravishankar argues, globalized labor migration is certainly in line with neoliberal policies, this should not mean that the left should turn against the exploited migrants according to the logic of nation-state isolation; rather, the goal should be to support them in their local emancipation in the spirit of international solidarity.

    ↗ https://www.theleftberlin.com/the-rise-and-rise-of-the-anti-migrant-left/

  • “Just say genocide” – the politics of invitation/disinvitation as a game of institutional self-assurance

    Avgi Saketopoulou, Just Say Genocide: The Problem of Truth Sadism, The Battleground, November 28, 2024.

    For The Battleground, psychoanalyst Avgi Saketopoulou describes her experience with the Sigmund Freud Museum in Vienna, which first invited her for an interview, and then canceled it when she described Israel’s war in Gaza as “genocide.” Why, she asks, does this happen? Why do institutions invite voices of solidarity with Palestine only to then shut them down? For her, this politics of invitation/disinvitation is a symptom of an attempt to deal with the growing cracks and contradictions in the institution’s own narrative about Israel/Palestine by allowing others to bring them up—instead of seriously addressing them oneself—and then rebuking or excluding them with all the power of the institution. For people in solidarity with Palestine, this raises the question of what critical cooperation with such institutions might look like without playing this game of institutional self-assurance.

    ↗ https://thebattleground.eu/2024/11/28/just-say-genocide/